It also generated greater cross-group empathy among the journalists who participated. The journalism project exploited the existence of common professional interests on each side of the ethnic cleavage, mobilized institutional support for cross-cleavage contacts, increased the flow of sympathetic information across the cleavage in the form of newspaper articles, and helped to create cross-cleavage empathy among journalists, who play an important role in shaping mass perceptions and opinions.
SCGM is following this up with a current project encouraging the publication of contrasting opinions on important issues as a means of acculturating readers to the idea that one characteristic of democracy is "conflict of opinion without conflict.
The ongoing successes of SCGM projects provide powerful evidence of the utility of the pluralist paradigm and of a strategy of "preventive engagement" in Macedonia. The Center for Preventive Action of the Council on Foreign Relations Working Group on the South Balkans WG--for which Burg served as principal consultant identified higher education as another area in which such a strategy might be pursued.
Its recommendations for depoliticizing the issue and bringing ethnic actors into direct contact in the pursuit of mutual interests included allowing the establishment of private universities, opening the state-funded university to greater enrollment of ethnic Albanians by expanding the domain of Albanian-language instruction at the university and taking steps to ensure that more Albanian students receive adequate preparation for higher education , and increasing the role of international educational professionals in goal setting, policy development and implementation, and evaluation.
Although these recommendations- were developed by the members of the WG without reference to the pluralist paradigm, they conform to it. Allowing the establishment of a private university would encourage the development of civil society in Macedonia and underscore its legitimacy. Making the state-funded university more open to all ethnic groups would underscore the civic definition of state institutions. And professionalizing educational policy would allow educators of all ethnicities to participate as equals in cooperative activities of common interest.
The National Democratic Institute for International Affairs NDI has also demonstrated that the strategy of professionalizing issues that might otherwise engender additional intergroup tensions can be successful in Macedonia. NDI recently reported that, at the request of the Macedonian government, it arranged for expert review of the government's draft law on local elections.
Eighty percent of NDI's recommendations were accepted. NDI then organized an all-parties public roundtable on the draft law, which precipitated a wider public debate, including newspaper, television, and radio coverage of the event and the issue. By these actions, NDI helped Macedonian party leaders depoliticize the issue and resolve their differences amicably and established an important precedent for meaningful public consideration and debate of proposed government policies.
Non-governmental organizations NGOs cannot succeed without strong back-up in the form of Western governmental and multilateral support for peace. In the case of Macedonia, for example, the presence of UNPREDEP United Nations Preventive Deployment in Macedonia forces has provided a critical demonstration of international support for the peaceful resolution of both external and internal conflicts.
But governmental and multilateral actions are unlikely to affect the norms of behavior and patterns of interaction at the grass roots that hold the key to preventing violence and "solving" ethnic conflict.
To achieve such change will require far more attention and support for the kinds of direct action outlined above, action that can be undertaken only by NGOs if they are not to be viewed as "interference," or even contribute to the escalation of such conflicts. It does this through scholars-in-residence, seminars, policy study groups, media commentary, international conferences and publications.
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Read more. Close Search Search. Part of the Meeting Reports Publication. By Steven L. Steven Burg spoke at the Wilson Center on February 19, Tagged Series. About the Author Steven L. Explore More. Previous Next. The Power of a Social Justice Perspective. Polar Perspectives No. By Aynne Kokas on August 11, By Marin Ekstrom on July 21, By Sydney Yi on July 6, After three years, it became clear that U.
The documents reveal how intelligence gathering and analysis led to that decision. Walton noted that on any given day, information related to a myriad of problems is received by the government, typically through agency channels such as the State Department, the Defense Department, and the CIA. Information is sorted and analyzed to reveal whether those problems have the potential to impact U.
President for decision-making. Reconciling interdepartmental differences can make decision-making a long process. But the question is, had there been ethical reasoning, could it have turned out even better? William Hawk. Political realists view the international arena as inherently competitive, with each nation focused on preserving its own interests. For those opposed to the realist position, there are four general categories of response: critiques of descriptive claims made by realists; critiques based on the intrinsic value of ethical goals over narrow national interests; the argument that incorporating ethical reasoning into political deliberation can often best help realists achieve the aims they want; and a pedagogical critique that says that political actors simply need to be taught how to go about ethical reasoning.
A report on Conflict Frames and the Timing of U. The intelligence community and policy makers often reveal clear motives for shifts in an administration's policy by the way they communicate about, or "frame," the issues they are addressing.
Surprisingly, that did not happen in the nearly documents JMU researchers reviewed concerning the Bosnian war. John Hulsey, assistant professor of political science. It's very clear from the documents that the CIA was on top of it. Throughout the documents, studied by Hulsey; Dr.
John Scherpereel, associate professor of political science; and students Megan DiMaiolo and James Leigh III, the intelligence community and policy makers never wavered in the way they discussed the conflict. One of the more interesting findings, Hulsey said, was how various people from various parts of the government characterized the conflict. So we were surprised that that wasn't the debate. There wasn't a shift between '93 and '94 or ' Nothing to say we've identified the side to support and so now we should act.
We don't see that shift. Another eye-opener, he said, was that people from various parts of the government—from the CIA to the White House to the State Department—all talked about the conflict in the same way. Based on the information contained in these documents, they don't, which suggests they had, for the most part, a shared understanding," he said.
The JMU researchers concluded that strategic concerns—how U. Burg said the documents made clear a "reality gap" between the intelligence and the policy until the Clinton administration turned to a strategy of "coercive diplomacy" to bring about the peace forged at The Dayton Accords.
Your current browser may not support copying via this button. Steven L. Princeton: Princeton University Press, In: Canadian-American Slavic Studies. Author: Robin Alison Remington 1. Online Publication Date: 01 Jan Buy instant access PDF download and unlimited online access :.
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